Health Official to Take Leave of Absence After He Attacked Federal Scientists

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He insisted to his followers that he was only doing what members of Congress had requested. But in a Sept. 10 letter, three House Democrats who lead key oversight panels asked Mr. Azar to suspend the contract and demanded to see the contract file. They questioned whether the project was merely “a political propaganda campaign,” saying contract documents apparently showed that the purpose was to help “defeat despair and inspire hope” and “instill confidence to return to work and restart the economy.”

The letter was signed by Representatives James E. Clyburn of South Carolina, Carolyn B. Maloney of New York and Raja Krishnamoorthi of Illinois.

Mr. Caputo has said he planned public advertisements to increase minority enrollment in clinical vaccine trials and solicit donors of convalescent plasma so more coronavirus patients could benefit from the treatment.

He also envisioned public messages urging Americans to get the flu vaccine and a coronavirus vaccine, should one be approved. Many public health experts have urged such a public campaign.

The contract was awarded on Sept. 1 to the Fors Marsh Group, a Northern Virginia research firm. Mr. Caputo had “nothing to do with the decision,” said Mark Weber, a department spokesman, adding that it was competitively bid and awarded by a panel of career federal officials.

“This work will be informed by a departmentwide team of experts who will review campaign materials and messaging and ensure the latest scientific information is used to provide important public health, therapeutic and vaccine information,” he said.

Some of the funds have already been spent on public service announcements by Dr. Jerome Adams, the surgeon general, encouraging Americans to wash their hands, wear masks and socially distance, Mr. Weber said. Most of the funds will be spent after the election, a senior health department official said.

Until Wednesday’s hearing before the Senate subcommittee, it was not clear where the money for Mr. Caputo’s messaging campaign would come from. Adm. Brett P. Giroir, an assistant secretary for health heading national coronavirus testing efforts, testified that he knew nothing about it.

At the same hearing, Dr. Redfield warned that the federal government needed more money for a nationwide vaccine distribution plan, which he said would cost $5.5 billion to $6 billion.

“It’s as urgent as getting these manufacturing facilities up,” he said.

Ms. Murray grilled Dr. Redfield over whether Mr. Caputo and Dr. Alexander had manipulated the content of the C.D.C.’s health bulletins, known as Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Reports or M.M.W.R.s. Previously, those reports were carefully shielded from political influence and highly regarded internationally for their importance and accuracy.

The senator said it was “dangerous and unprecedented that political appointees are editing, censoring and ultimately undermining a report that is intended to give families, public health professionals, researchers and health care providers what they need: the truth.”

Dr. Redfield replied, “The scientific integrity of the M.M.W.R. has not been compromised and will not be compromised on my watch.” He insisted that the C.D.C. was “not going to let political influence try to modulate” its public health advice.

Dr. Redfield strained to defend what a growing number of critics view as a hobbled C.D.C. In the early stages of the pandemic, public health officials and experts were sharply critical of what they said were delays and missteps in the agency’s response efforts. The C.D.C. now faces mounting complaints that it has allowed the White House and its emissaries to twist the agency’s messages about the pandemic.

Sheryl Gay Stolberg contributed reporting.